Critical theory has different meanings for different writers. As critique it is usually considered to be a critique of modernity and the developments and institutions associated with modern society. It can also be a critique of particular schools o f thought within sociology, or of sociology and social science as a whole. A large part of critical theory has been to critique art and culture, in particular the consumer culture, advertising, the media, and other forms of popular culture. Some of the ar guments in Giddens, "Dilemmas of the Self," such as the evaporated self and commodified experience, are very similar to critical theory. In fact, it is in the sphere of culture that critical theory continues to be relevant and innovative.

Marxism is one form of critical theory, since Marxism provides a critique of capitalism and modernism. This is the tradition traced by Therborn in Chapter 2 of the text – the developments in twentieth century Marxism that are critical of existing socie ty, both capitalist and socialist. The Marxism of many communist parties and established socialist societies is generally not regarded as critical theory – it is rather Marxist theories that attempt to show the shortcomings of existing society and institu tions that are considered critical theories. Kellner (1989, p. 3) notes

In Kellner’s view, critical theory has generally been committed to the idea of modernity and progress, while at the same time noting the ways that features of modernity can create problems for individuals and society. In some ways, even Weber’s theory of rationalization of modern society can be regarded as a critical theory. Weber argued that rationalization was a force that increasingly dominated western and other societies, limiting creativity and the human spirit. Various critical theorists have rel ied heavily on the Weberian critique, and much critical theory is one way that the Marxian and Weberian traditions can be combined.

Critical theory is usually more closely associated with a group of theorists called the Frankfurt school. It was German theorists such as Benjamin, Horkheimer, Adorno, Fromm, Marcuse and, more recently, Habermas and Offe, who are usually identified as establishing and developing a critical theory of modern society. Others such as the Hungarian Marxist Lukacs, and some contemporary North Americans, most notably Calhoun and Kellner, are also considered to be critical theorists. It will be primarily this tradition that will be examined in this class.

Note that critical theory differs from post-modern approaches to social theory. Theorists in the latter perspective tend to argue that modernity has ended, or that modernity must be rejected in its totality. Post-modernists may even reject social theor y and political practice whereas critical theorists tend to theorize extensively and some argue that politics can be used to pursue progress. Critical theorists generally tend to have a comprehensive and overall social theory and an idea of progress and a better world, even if they are unable to find ways of getting there. In contrast, a post-modern approach is more likely to be associated with rejection of comprehensive, universal theory.

Critical theory is discussed in various places in the Blackwell Companion. The main places it is discussed are as follows.

• Therborn, Ch. 2 discusses critical theory primarily as Marxist theory and its twentieth century variants.
• Some philosophical aspects associated with the critical theory perspective are very briefly noted on pp. 95-6.
• The psychoanalytic connections to critical theory, through the writings of Fromm and Marcuse and discussed on pp. 175-8 and 187-9.
• The most extensive discussion of critical theory is contained in Chapter 15, "Social Theory and the Public Sphere," by Craig Calhoun. He sets this discussion within the context of sociology in the public sphere, where it has been extensively involved in research and policy issues – often providing advice, direction, and justification to existing policies and institutions. Calhoun’s main concern in this chapter is how sociology can provide a critique of society and he presents considerations "for socia l theory as public discourse."

A useful background article on critical theory is that of Douglas Kellner, "Critical Theory and the Crisis of Social Theory." (Link on web site and copy on Library Reserve). The web site http://www.uta.e du/huma/illuminations/ has many more articles on critical theory.

I will also attempt to make available a section from Marcuse, One Dimensional Man and from Habermas.

In Chapter 2, Therborn notes that Marxism is "the major manifestation of the dialectics of modernity, in a sociological as well as a theoretical sense" (p. 53). While Marxism is often regarded as being critique, the works of Marx are among the most praiseworthy of capitalism and modernity. It was this dialectical approach to capitalism, noting both "the emancipatory and the exploitative" (p. 55) that distinguishes Marx and Marxists from other writers. Weber, in particular, tends to focus on negativ e forces within capitalism, and Durkheim also notes ways in which the functioning of capitalism can be disrupted, to the detriment of individuals and society.

Marxism embraces modernity and Marxists argue that one of the main problems is that capitalism puts fetters on the progressive forces. The forces of capitalism are viewed as progressive in sweeping away the traditional, religious, backward, and feudal forms of society, spreading industrialization and urbanization across societies. The forces of capital, markets, and commodities are the most powerful in history, able to break the hold of traditional forces that constrain and limit people. Capitalism spu rs the development of science, technology, trade, and communication, creating a new world that has the potential to create a much better world for everyone. Historically, capitalism is progressive in breaking the power of traditional social forces and cre ates the possibility of socialism and communism – where all can share equitably in what human creativity can produce. It is only through the stage of capitalism that an improved society can emerge. In that sense, the modern is emancipatory.

At the same time, Marx developed a powerful and all-encompassing critique of capitalism and he regarded it as exploitative of human labour and its potential and creativity. Marx’s critique of capitalism was that while this system had incredible power a nd potential to transform human society positively, in actual fact it resulted in exploitation and ultimately limited the possibility for further improvement. Workers were emancipated from traditional limits but became slaves of the new factory system, mo nopolization resulted in limits on trade and further progress, and the state acted in the interests of the bourgeoisie rather than society as a whole. Accumulation created unheard of social wealth, but ended up in the hands of a few, who prevented further improvements in society. In this sense, capitalism was not only exploitative of the majority, but limited social progress.

Therborn notes how Marxists after Marx has adopted ambiguous approaches to modernity (p. 55). Some theorists and groups tended to become more social democratic, arguing that capitalism could be reformed and improved. Others tended to adopt a more criti cal approach to capitalism as a system, arguing that this system had to be overthrown in order to create socialism and a better society. Therborn traces through some of these traditions in Marxism in Europe and around the world, showing how Marxism contin ued to contribute to the critical tradition. Marxists have been influential in anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist struggles in the colonial world, in trade unions in many countries, and in feminist and minority struggles to end oppression, discriminati on, and inequality. Marxists have generally taken a critical approach, looking for inequality, domination, and illegitimate uses of power, and have tried to expose and eliminate these. As such, Marxist approaches still have a critical edge to them.

a. Historical Background. When critical theory is mentioned in connection with social theory, it is usually associated with what is called the "Frankfurt School." Therborn notes that the term "was launched in 1937 by Max Horkheimer, the Director of the Frankfurt Institute for Social Research" (p. 56). The Institute had begun in 1923, with a financial endowment from a wealthy German grain merchant, and was attached to Frankfurt University in Germany. German universities had been quite conservative, but with the political turmoil following World War I, new ideas developed and were influential within the universities. For a time, many Marxists thought that Germany would become socialist, following the Russian revolution. When this proved unlikely to o ccur, some of the intellectuals attracted to Marxism argued that Marxist-oriented research was necessary to re-examine Marxist theory in light of the changes that had occurred in Europe. In particular, some of these Marxists considered that while the obje ctive conditions for socialism existed, the subjective consciousness of workers was not conducive to overthrowing capitalism and creating socialism. In particular, "revolutionary consciousness, culture and organization and a clear notion of socialism seem ed to be lacking." As a result, it was necessary to reconsider various aspects of Marxism and focus on "consciousness, subjectivity, culture, ideology and the concept of socialism … in order to make possible radical political change" (Kellner, 1989, p. 12 ).

The Institute began its work in Germany and continued through 1933, when the Nazis came to power. Most of those who were members of the Institute went to the United States at that time, with some like Marcuse staying there, while others returned to Ger many after World War II. The Institute was established in New York City and became affiliated with Columbia University and it was there that the term "critical theory" became associated with the Institute. After WWII, the Institute was reestablished in Ge rmany and continues to operate there. Following the death of Horkheimer and Adorno, Jurgen Habermas became the leading critical theorist, a position he continues to hold.

Dates for major critical theorists:

Walter Benjamin (1892-1940)

Max Horkheimer (1895-1973)

Theodor Adorno (1903-1969)

Erich Fromm (1900-1980)

Herbert Marcuse (1898-1979)

Jurgen Habermas (1929- )

b. Materialism and Idealism. Critical theory is thus primarily a European social theory, influenced by the German tradition of Marx and Weber and by the experience of fascism, but also by the changing aspects of modern capitalism. Calhoun notes as influences Marxism, psychoanalysis, German idealist philosophy and theology, and other writers such as Nietzsche (p. 440).

Critical theory began by putting Marxian political economy at the centre of analysis, and early critical theory was materialist and committed to socialism. One of the major features of this perspective was that social theory could not take the familiar and observed as given and unchanging. Rather, all of social life is a reflection of the economic system and the role of social theory was to investigate the ways in which this changed and affected people. Horkheimer argued that there needed to be a study of "how the categories of our consciousness were shaped and how they in turn constituted both the world we saw and what we took to be possible" (Calhoun, p. 440). However, this was not a crude materialism that might argue that consciousness is a direct r esult of economic position. Neither was it idealism, arguing that consciousness had no connection with material reality. Rather, critical theory "describes the complex set of mediations that interconnect consciousness and society, culture and econo my, state and citizens" (Kellner, 1990, p. 3, bottom and see top of p. 4).

Critical theory thus developed an approach which incorporated both the economic and material, and an analysis of individuals and their social psychology, attempting to deal with aspects of what we might refer to as the agency-structure issues today. Bu t neither the material nor consciousness was primary in determining the other. Rather, these theorists paid much attention to culture, law, ethics, fashion, public opinion, sport, life style, and leisure (Kellner, 1989, p. 18), topics which had not previo usly been incorporated into Marxian analysis. Calhoun notes how "Marx shared with the young Hegel an attempt to conceptualize the absolute creativity of the human being through the example of art, but unlike Hegel he extended this into a more general anal ysis of labour" (p. 441). The Frankfurt school theorists took up this challenge once again and made art and aesthetics a central feature of their analysis.

Calhoun (p. 442) also notes how these theorists added Weber’s views concerning bureaucracy and rationality to these ideas, and argued that the tendencies to rationalization could lead to a totally administered society, where the new would be excluded. While they focussed on the individual in a way that other Marxist theory did not, they feared that the individual would be submerged in the administered totality. The arguments of Marcuse on this issue are notable.

c. Supradisciplinary. Once Horkheimer became Director of the Institute for Social Research in 1930, he envisaged the Institute as carrying out interdisciplinary or multidisciplinary studies that cut across and combine various traditional academi c disciplines. Kellner notes that Horkheimer argued that social philosophy should examine and elucidate

That is, he looked on critical theory as an approach that would examine all aspects of social life, not only the larger structural forces but also the individual, consciousness, and the community. In intellectual terms this meant working with ideas fro m philosophy, the social sciences, the arts, the humanities, and other traditions. Rather than being interdisciplinary or multidisciplinary, the aim was to assemble various writers and thinkers who could combine and synthesize ideas from these various per spectives. By studying current social and political problems, the hope was that a new synthesis of perspectives could be achieved, whereby the boundaries of the traditional academic disciplines could be overcome – that is, a superdisciplinary approach to the study of the social life of people.

Horkheimer was critical of the sociologists and other social scientists for eliminating philosophy from their analysis and limiting themselves to the study of specific aspects of social life, without considering the structure and organization of societ y as a whole (Kellner, 1990, top of p. 3). At the same time, he was critical of some branches of philosophy for limiting themselves to observable facts and the "scientific method." For Horkheimer, philosophy is essential to an overall social theory, but t his theory also has to be involved in concrete studies of the social world – there should be a "dialectical penetration and development of philosophical theory and the praxis of the individual disciplines" (Horkheimer quoted in Kellner, 1990, p. 3).

As a result of these considerations, critical theorists are critical of Marxism when it is mechanically materialist or too determinist. They were especially critical of branches of philosophy, especially positivism and scientific methods associated wit h it. They are also critical of sociology and other social sciences for being insufficiently critical and having only partial analyses. They thus set very high standards for social science, ones that they themselves were ultimately unable to meet.

Given that the initial concern of these theorists was to understand the reason why class consciousness had not developed among the working class, their first project was to conduct an empirical study of the white-collar working class in Germany, to obt ain information concerning their psychological, social, and political attitudes and combine this with theoretical ideas from the various social sciences (Kellner, 1989, p. 19). The findings of this study were that "the actual revolutionary potential of th e German working class was less than was usually assumed, and that, while the workers might resist a fascist attempt to take over the government, it was unlikely that they would undertake the sacrifices necessary for a socialist revolution" (Kellner, 1989 , p. 20). While this approach provided interesting results, it is not clear that in studies of this type, the approach of these critical theorists differed all that much from some of the conventional social science approaches.

d. Political Sociology. In their early writings, critical theorists can be regarded as working primarily in the Marxian perspective, but extending it by examining the new forms capitalist took, and developing it in new directions, by examining c ulture and consciousness.

i. Commodity Exchange. Beginning from the commodity and commodity production as the key feature of capitalist society, they argued that

That is, rather than human relationships between individuals, exchange relationships come to dominate inter-personal relationships. Marx had noted this, but this line of thought was much further developed by the critical theorists. They looked on capit alism in the twentieth century as extending this to many aspects of society previously untouched or relatively unaffected by exchange relations. They saw aspects of personal life such as love, friendship, and the family being reduced to such form of excha nge. Consumption became organized by such forces as well, so that there were increasingly "oppressive uniformities and identities" (Calhoun, p. 441). Calhoun notes that they were concerned with "the increasing and increasingly enforced sameness of modern society – both a conformism among its members and a difficulty in bringing underlying tensions, even contradictions, to public attention and action" (p. 442). They viewed such forces as stifling individuality and particularity (Kellner, 1989, p. 54) and p roducing a certain sameness among all members of society. This aspect of capitalism has developed much more than in the 1920s and 1930s, so that this part of their critique certainly has an important resonance in today’s economy, media, and society. Consu mer and media capitalism have vastly extended their reach into all aspects of the consumer society and life in general, and a critical approach to contemporary society can benefit from and use the ideas developed by these critical theorists.

ii. Administered Society. A second major feature of the political sociology of critical theory is the notion of an administered society. Weber had argued that forces of rationality and rationalization were becoming increasingly dominant in weste rn society. Rather than traditional or charismatic forces being dominant in social organization, Weber argued that calculation, accounting, considered decision-making, and guidance social action by careful examination of how means could be used to accompl ish particular ends were forms that had become more forceful in western society. These forces are clearest in economics, business, and formal organizations, but Weber argued that these same forces made their effects felt in politics, education, and even t he arts.

Critical theorists added these ideas of Weber on bureaucracy, rationalization, and administration to the Marxian ideas of exchange and commodification. While Marx was primarily concerned with the economic sphere, the critical theorists extended their a nalysis to the political and social sphere, combining the ideas of exchange and administered society. The result was a view that capitalism and the society associated with it "was a totalizing system which attempted to penetrate every area of life from se lf-constitution to interpersonal relations to education." These totalizing processes were leading to the destruction of "individuality and particularity" (Kellner, 1989, p. 54).

One form this took was an economic analysis which argued that capitalism had been transformed from uncontrolled and relatively free markets to a form of state capitalism. While Marx and some earlier economists may have foreseen some aspects of this, th ey did not foresee the manner in which the state would intervene in the economic sphere. Friedrich Pollock, one of the economists associated with the Frankfurt School developed a model of state capitalism, whereby "the state acquires power over money and credit, and regulates production and prices. Furthermore, management becomes separate from ownership" (Kellner, 1989, pp. 60-61). While these critical theorists may have overestimated the role of the state in economics, and underestimated the vibrancy of capitalism as an economic system, theories of this sort have contributed to our understanding of capitalism and how it evolves. There is a strong political aspect to the economic sphere and many aspects of the economy are administered.

iii. Totalizing Societies. An important part of critical theory related to their critique of totality and totalizing forces. They were always opposed to any form of totalitarianism, whether it was the totalitarian society of fascism in Germany o r the totalizing form of administered socialism in the Soviet Union. Their arguments here make sense given the systems that emerged in Nazi Germany and in the Soviet Union, where the structures to "control more and more aspects of life" (Kellner, 1989, p. 54) were established and acquired great power. Totalitarian here could mean any system which attempts to govern many or all aspects of social life.

Since the critical theorists came from, were living in, and were affected by the fascist form of political and social organization, it is no surprise that they developed a model of this totalitarian system. Their intimate knowledge of this system and t heir later observation of it from exile in the United States each provided them with useful insights concerning the nature of totality. Critical theorists looked on fascism as a new form of monopoly or state capitalism, whereby "the state assumed function s previously carried out by a market economy and thus became the primary arbitrator of socio-economic development" (Kellner, 1989, p. 67). They looked on this system as a result of political and economic disorder, a system that capitalism developed to sur vive in the face of challenges from the working class and its own inability to govern itself. This was then a new phase of capitalism, "a new synthesis of monopoly capitalism and the totalitarian state which threatens to dominate the world and to eliminat e its opponents and all vestiges of the earlier forms of liberal economy and politics" (Kellner, 1989, p. 67). Attractive as this analysis was, this prediction turned out to be incorrect and capitalism has taken a different form, perhaps totalizing, but i n a different manner. However, the experience of the critical theorists with fascism and totalitarianism helped shape their later analysis. In particular, they focus on the ways such a political-economic system achieves a rational, efficient form of produ ction, but eliminates alternatives and debate over them. The reading from Marcuse will show how he interpreted and developed these ideas of totality and administered society as applying to societies that are normally considered more democratic and liberal .

An additional aspect of the discussion is the relative autonomy of the political and economic. Marxists tended to argue that the state and political forces operate in the interest of the owners of capital. Some of the arguments of the critical theorist s questioned this, pointing out that the political sphere sometimes was dominant, and the interests of the administered, totalitarian society might dominate the economic in some aspects.

Another aspect of the analysis of such a system was the "socio-psychological analysis of the cultural roots of fascism in attitudes toward the family and authority" (Kellner, 1989, p. 66). For Marxists, this was a new direction for social analysis to t ake and Erich Fromm, one of the key critical theorists, incorporated Freudian and other psychoanalytic theories into the social theory of the Frankfurt School.

iv. Individual and Human Nature. (pp. 175-7 and 441-2). For the Frankfurt theorists, human nature existed, but it was always related to the historical conditions in which it emerged. Humans are creative, but capitalism creates certain conditions that appear to be natural and unchanging – these dominate and limit human creativity (p. 441). The critical theorists argued with the model of the absolute individual consciousness and identity that characterized much enlightenment, liberal thought and c onsidered individuals to be social "constituted by intersubjective relations with others" (p. 442). In addition to identity, non-identity and multiple involvements of the individual meant that self-identity took many different forms. It was in this that t he individual can develop creativity and reach beyond an unchanging individual identity. If society allowed the individual to explore and critique different ideas and situations, this would allow the individual to be free. But more and more the increased sameness and uniformity of society is forced on individuals and prevents this freedom from occurring.

Calhoun also notes that critical theorists looked on essential human characteristics as "the pursuit of happiness, the need for solidarity with others, and natural sympathies" (p. 442). These, of course, were developed in particular ways in each specif ic form of social organization, since people are products of the historical conditions in which they live. But they connect a critical form of reason to this, with Horkheimer arguing that "a form of reason implicitly critical of civilization" is part of h uman nature. The problem is that administered and totalizing societies attempt to stifle and constrain this and channel it in particular directions. Fromm argued that there is an essential human nature that is "repressed and distorted by capitalist patter ns of domination" (p. 176).

Erich Fromm’s contribution to critical theory involved an analysis of the individual, the family, sexual repression, the economy, and the social context of the individual. His writings outline one way in which the work of Freud and Marx can be integrat ed. Fromm argues that there are basic instincts of motive forces for human behaviour, but that these are adapted, both actively and passively, to social reality. For Fromm, "psychoanalysis … seeks to discover the hidden sources of the obviously irrational behavior patterns in societal life – in religion, custom, politics, and education" (Kellner, 1989, p. 37). In this way, he combined social psychological approaches with the materialism of Marx – that is, synthesizing the instinctual, pyschological forces in humans with the effects of economic and material forces on human life.

For Fromm, the nuclear family as it exists in capitalist society is key to understanding the connections between these. That is, the individual is raised in a family, and the family stamps a specific part of the social structure on the child. This is t he manner in which "society reproduces it class structure and imposes its ideologies and practices on individuals" (Kellner, 1989, p. 37). While individuals growing up in a different society would develop differently, the particular effects of modernity c reate forms of domination and inner struggles in each individual. Forms of social behaviour such as being "submissive, self-effacing, and powerless" (Elliott, p. 176) become part of the self in these circumstances.

One of the concerns of the Frankfurt school was to develop an idea of how authority emerges in modern society, given that traditional forms of authority have been eclipsed. Fromm connected the acceptance of authority with the family and with the larger society. The individual learns to accept the authority of the father in patriarchal society and develops an inner censor which internalizes commands and prohibitions. This plus fear of punishment are constantly reinforced by other representatives of auth ority, so that people learn to submit to these authorities and internalize this. Fromm looked on people as developing weak egos as a result and argued that the ego has to be strengthened and that there should be "rebellion against irrational authority and development of strong egos which do not derive pleasure from either subordination or domination, and which are independent of dominant authority, yet able to recognize rational authority" (Kellner, 1989, p. 43).

The idea of authority was later taken up by Theodor Adorno in The Authoritarian Personality (published in 1950). This was a quantitative study conducted in the United States in the late 1940s. The major concern of the study was to determine "the potentially fascistic individual, one whose structure is such as to render him particularly susceptible to anti-democratic propaganda" (Kellner, 1989, p. 115). Kellner argues that the questions associated with this study and the findings can be us eful in analyzing the new right conservatism that has emerged in recent years.

In this study, Adorno argued that there was a particular character type that could be considered authoritarian – individuals who "had a deep psychological need for an ‘imaginary foe’ on which to project all forms of evil and aggression, a foe which wou ld serve as a scapegoat for explaining the world’s (and individual’s) major problems, fears and obsessions" (Kellner, 1989, p. 116). Some of the characteristics of the authoritarian personality are adherence to conventional values, authoritarian (uncritic al) submission to idealized authorities, and aggression toward those who violate conventional values. For Adorno