Sociology 211

October 18 - 20, 2004


Migration and ethnic relations


A.  Introduction

B.  International migration – Isajiw, chapter 3

C.  Immigration to Canada – Isajiw, chapter 4

D.  Ethnic relations – Isajiw, chapter 2

E.  Incorporation of ethnic groups – Isajiw, chapter 5


C.  Immigration to Canada


See tables on regional population distribution, immigration, and emigration.


Isajiw provides an eight-stage history of Canadian immigration.  We will quickly review these stages and look in a little more detail at current immigration policies and trends.  There was a revision in Canadian immigration legislation in 2002, and the new act governing immigration is termed the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act.  Among the issues to consider with respect to current immigration is total amount of immigration; standards required of immigrants (language, education, etc. included in the merit point system); mix of different types of immigrants – skilled, refugee, family reunification, entrepreneurs, and other categories of immigrants; federal and provincial responsibilities; and settlement programs.  Prior to November 1 of each year, the Department of Citizenship and Immigration must table an annual report on immigration.  This will be available in the next couple weeks, so we will get an update on this as soon as it is tabled.  This report provides information on the extent and types of immigration in the past year and plans for the coming year.


Issues related to immigration to Canada are intimately connected with not only the size of immigration but the ethnic and cultural background and composition of the population of Canada.  The changing balance between French and English has dominated much of the discussion historically, with the French speaking remain a relatively constant 30 per cent in the period from Confederation through the 1970s.  Those of British ancestry represent a declining proportion of the population, with those of other European ancestry increasing.  By 2001, the aboriginal population amounted to about 4 per cent of the total population and those of visible minority status totalled approximately 13 per cent of the population in 2001.   We will return to the ethnic composition of the population of Canada next week, when discussing Isajiw, chapter 2. 


The eight stages of immigration discussed by Isajiw are as follows.


1.  Pre-European settlement.  This was the original settlement of North America by the groups we today call Indians, First Nations, or Inuit.  Isajiw dates these to 40,000 BC for the Indians and 8,000 B.C. for the Inuit.  He estimates that when European contact began, there were 220,000 aboriginal people in the geographic area that is now the territory of Canada, with eighty to one hundred different groups.  These would more properly be termed “folk” or “nation” groups than “ethnic groups.”  While there may have been occasional Viking or Asian individuals who reached North America, there were no survivors of these.  While it is interesting to speculate about these early contacts, they are irrelevant in terms of population and ethnic history of Canada.


2.  1600 to Conquest of New France.  The original European settlers in what is now Canada were primarily French, although British migrants also settled in the Atlantic provinces.  But from the chart of regional population data, settlement in the Atlantic provinces was relatively limited to fishing villages and ports prior to 1760. 


The first attempts to establish a French colony in what is now Quebec was in the 1540s, but there was no permanent settlement until 1608.  The population of Quebec grew dramatically over the next two hundred years, as a result of early marriage, relatively low mortality and high birth rates.  From 100 in 1627 the population of New France reached 10,000 in 1680, at the time of the Conquest (1759-1763) the population it was approximately 70,000 and by 1851 it was 890,000.  What is notable about the population of New France is that it grew almost entirely on the basis of natural increase (births exceeding deaths), rather than by immigration.  Demographers estimate that there were only 10,000 immigrants to New France over the 150 year history of the colony.  This contrasts with 300,000 European immigrants to the American colonies during the same period.  (Beaujot and McQuillan, p. 6). 


After New France became a British colony in 1763, the population of Quebec continued to grow as before on the basis of a high rate of natural increase.  Beaujot and McQuillan note that British immigrants began to come to Quebec after this, but in terms of total numbers, there were not that many before 1815.  Isajiw (p. 78) describes the mixed status of New France in terms of the superordination/subordination model.  That is, the French migrants were settlers, establishing dominance over the aboriginal population – the first reserves may have been established by seigneurs and missionaries in New France.  After 1763, the settlers of New France became subordinate to English authorities, although again the Leiberson model fits in that the British did not establish a new society in New France so much as alter some aspects of the colony.


3.  1760 to the war of 1812.  This was the period of establishment of British dominance in what is now Canada.  The French became a subordinate population in the new British colonies, although they remained dominant in numbers until the 1850s.  As Isajiw notes, “immigration in this period was an important part of the process of establishing migrant superordination over the French.”  (p. 78).  Some British immigrants came to New France or Lower Canada (now Quebec) during this time, but in terms of total numbers, there were not that many before 1815. 


Quebec itself retained relatively few of the immigrants who arrived during this time and many people born in Lower Canada left for New England.  As the nineteenth century proceeded, most of the immigrants who came through Quebec went on to Upper Canada or went to the United States. 


Atlantic Region.  Notes based on Beaujot and McQuillan, Chapter 1.  The earliest settlements were French – the Acadian French.  But British immigrants arrived in Cape Breton by the 1620s.  By 1750 there may have been about 25,000 people in various settlements across what are now the Atlantic provinces.  By the late 1700s, there were several settlements, Nova Scotia with 40-50 thousand people, New Brunswick with 20,000, Newfoundland with 15,000 and PEI with 5,000.  It was the trade in forest products that let to a more rapid growth in immigration in the early 1800s.  It was the ceding of all the French territories to the British in 1763 that led to the beginning of British immigration into the Maritime provinces and the relegation of the French to secondary status.  Some of the Acadians fled or were exiled, but some returned.  The French speaking Acadian population of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and PEI has grown considerably, so there may be 350,000 or so who consider themselves Acadian today.  This group could be considered a national minority or ethnic group in Canada, one that is French speaking, but with a history and identity different from that of the Quebecois.


Upper Canada.  The first part of the 1800s was a period of rapid immigration and settlement in Upper Canada – from only 10,000 Europeans in 1890 to 100,000 by 1812 and to just under a million by 1851.  This was a period characterized by the growth of forest product production, agricultural settlement, the growth of towns, and the beginnings of industry.  The main immigrants were English, Scottish and Irish.  The latter formed the labour force, with the English and Scottish being more devoted to farming and the trades.  It was this period that set the tone for the domination of Canada by people of English and Scottish background.  They established themselves in Ontario and Montreal and set the stage for Confederation, the expansion of the railroads, the development of industry and the control of trade and finance in Canada.  


One group of note during this period was the Loyalists – emigrants from the United States who considered themselves loyal to the British Crown.  There were about 30,000-40,000 of these, mostly to the Maritime provinces, but some to Quebec and Upper Canada.  Not all those who were loyal to the British Crown were British.  Some of those of German ancestry, such as Mennonites from Pennsylvania, felt they would have a better opportunity to practice their religion and exercise their separation from the state if they stuck with the British.  As a result, some of these groups migrated to what is now Ontario.


4.  1812 to opening of west.  After 1815, immigrants flowed to Canada in large numbers – 1.3 million from the British Isles to British North America between 1815 and 1865.  The heaviest periods of immigration were from 1830 to 1850.  At this time, most of the immigrants who came to the Canadas passed through Quebec – the main ports of entry were in Quebec – but then they generally headed further west.  By 1850, Newfoundland had 100,000 people although immigration to Newfoundland was relatively slow.  Nova Scotia grew with immigrants from Britain and the United States (Loyalists), reaching 330,000 by 1861.  British immigrants to New Brunswick caused its population to grow to 250 thousand by 1861.  Note that by the mid 1800s, the population of the Atlantic provinces was around 20 per cent of the population of what is now Canada, but what is now Ontario has passed both the Atlantic provinces and Quebec in population by this time.


In addition to the British (English, Scottish, Welsh) who formed the largest portion of immigrants during this period, there were many Irish and German immigrants.  While there were some other immigrants of other European origins, these were limited in numbers – Isajiw notes that by 1881 there were only nine per cent of origin other than French, British, or aboriginal.  Isajiw also notes how many former slaves from the United States came via the Underground Railroad in the 1850s and 1860s. (p. 79)  After the abolition of slavery, many of these likely returned to the United States but there were small settlements of African-Canadians in Nova Scotia and southwestern Ontario that remained through to the present time. 


Even though immigration and population growth in Upper Canada was great during this period, it became clear that the possibilities for continued expansion were limited unless expansion to the west could occur.  The United States was expanding on the basis of the vast prairie, free land, and expanding agricultural and industrial opportunities.  Many who settled in Upper Canada moved west and the Canadas faced a crisis – one that led to Confederation.


Western Canada.  Other than scattered settlements as a result of the fur trade, the only real European settlement in Western Canada was at Red River (Winnipeg), beginning in 1812.  Beaujot and McQuillan estimate that by 1856 there were 7,000 European settlers and 18,000 aboriginal people.  In contrast, Minnesota had 170 thousand people by 1860. 


On the west coast, there may have been 100,000 people of aboriginal origin, but by 1850 only 1,200 Europeans.  The gold rush of the late 1850s led to an expansion but the Census of 1871 still records only 36,000 people in British Columbia.


Immigration Policy and the Immigration Record, 1867-1996


By 1867, what is now Canada had reached a population of about 3.5 million, growing by ten times from 350,000 in 1800.  This set the stage for a political and economic transformation of the northern part of North America leading to the development of what is now Canada.  In contrast, the United States had 37 million people by this time.


Isajiw argues that the main patterns of immigration were established by 1880.  It is more common to situate the turning point at 1896, the beginning of a period of economic expansion that continued for about thirty years and when Clifford Sifton became  Minister of the Interior.  A more postive approach to immigration and an upturn in economic conditions and opportunities combined to create a new period of increased immigration to Canada. 


Immigration policy today seems primarily concerned with keeping people out of Canada or limiting the number of people who can enter Canada.  During much of the pre-confederation period, the problem was often the opposite – failed attempts to attract immigrants to Canada, or failed attempts at keeping people in Canada.  During the early period after Confederation in 1867, this was the major problem and estimates of immigration and emigration show that more people left Canada than arrived in Canada over the 1867-1896 period. 


Immigration policy has often been ambivalent, even contradictory.  Immigrants were sought for economic expansion, settling the agricultural regions of western Canada, for a labour force for the railroads, forestry and industry, and more recently for cultural diversity.  But at the same time, there were always concerns with importing the wrong kind of people.  These included paupers and destitutes, people from a different stock or people with “strange habits and life styles.”  (Beaujot, p. 103).  There were also concerns about immigrants using Canada as a stopping off point on the way to the United States.  Further, while immigrants may have been sought for a particular purpose, such purposes were not always met by the immigration.  Immigrants often ended up in different locations or industries than initially envisaged. 


Immigration Failure, 1867 - 1896.  The success of immigration in the early part of the 1800s in Ontario led the politicians after Confederation to look toward similar successful economic expansion into the west on the basis of population growth and agricultural settlement.  The triple policy of railroads, agricultural settlement and tariffs known as the National Policy failed to create much in the way of economic success or population growth before 1896.  Much of this period was a period of world wide economic depression but the main problem was the expansion of the United States westward.  The U. S. was more committed to immigration “Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free” whereas Canadian policy was more oriented toward attracting proper British immigrants. 


During this period, there was some group immigration to western Canada, with group  settlements in Manitoba – Mennonites from Russia who settled on the East and West Reserves along the Red River, the Icelandic reserve near Gimli, and French Canadians who moved from Quebec or New England to Manitoba.  By 1891, Manitoba had about 150,000 people and the Northwest Territories,  what is now Alberta and Saskatchewan, had about 100,000 people. 


In general, government policy tried to encourage immigration during this period.  But

there was an 1879 Order-in-Council excluding paupers and destitute immigrants and the Alien Labour Act of 1897, designed to prevent the importation of contract workers from other countries.  This was also the period of the Chinese Immigration Act of 1885.  Chinese workers had been imported by contractors to help construct the railroads, and other Chinese workers were used in mines and other industries in British Columbia.  After the Canadian Pacific Railroad (CPR) was completed in 1886, a head tax of $50 was imposed on each person of Chinese origin entering Canada.  Various other restrictive rules were part of this Act as well. In 1903, the head tax was raised to $100 and in 1903 to $500.  Later, in 1923, the Chinese Immigration Act excluded Chinese from entering the country entirely.  This was not repealed until 1947.  But it was not until 1962 that Chinese could apply as independent immigrants and it was not until the point system of 1967 was established that applied more or less equally to all applicants.  Chinese were not allowed to vote in Saskatchewan until 1951.


From 1867, immigration was formally the responsibility of the federal Department of Agriculture.  This changed in 1892 when immigration became the responsibility of the Department of the Interior.


5.  1880 to world war I – immigration success.  1896 marked the upturn of the world economy, after a long depression from 1873 to 1896, and the beginnings of large scale immigration to Canada.  This period is also notable for the appointment of Clifford Sifton as Minister of the Interior (from 1896 to 1905) and his more aggressive search for immigrants.  Sifton favoured the development of agriculture on the Prairies and initially tried to attract settlers from the United States and Britain.  Sifton generally tried to find settlers which he felt would be appropriate to farm the land – the famous phrase associated with him is that he wished to find “stalwart peasants in sheep-skin coats.”   He had limited success in the traditional sending areas so Sifton tried to attract more immigrants from southern and eastern Europe.  He pushed promotional efforts, gave promises of cheap or free land, commissioned booking agents and gave bonuses to those who brought immigrants.  Land companies were formed and given cheap land which they then sold to the settlers they could attract.  There was group migration – Poles, Hutterites, Ukrainians, Doukhobours.  The settlement of these groups still marks the division of ethnic groups in much of Saskatchewan.  See the may of Saskatchewan group settlement from the Atlas of Saskatchewan, 1969.   Some maps of Sastkatchewan group settlements and ethnic settlement patters from the Atlas are available at


The policy was a success for the federal government, for agricultural settlement, and for the railroads and other companies that supplied the immigrants.  The four years from 1910 through 1913 had over 285,000 immigrants each year, the four years with the greatest immigration in Canadian history, totalling just under 1.4 million immigrants.  (1957, with 282,00 is the next largest year, and in the last few years the annual number of immigrants has been approximately 200,000 to 230,000).  The greatest single year of immigration was 1913 when about 400,000 arrived.  While immigration was primarily sought for agricultural settlement, many of the immigrants went to cities and helped to form the labour force for expanding industry.  Isajiw notes that the policies were aimed at attracting agricultural settlers, but industrialists and railroad developers also benefited from the plentiful supply of labour.  (p. 81)


On the other hand, emigration to the United States was still considerable during this period, so that net gains through migration were not nearly as large as the immigration figures alone would indicate.  While the Canadian economy was expanding, so was the United States economy and that attracted large numbers of native-born Canadians in addition to immigrants who no more than passed through Canada. 


Policy during this period was generally quite expansive although there were some attempts at restriction.  The Immigration Acts of 1906 and 1910 added diseased persons as well as those advocating political change to the restricted categories.  In 1907, the Canadian government made an agreement with Japan to limit immigration from Japan and in 1908 some measures were taken to restrict immigration from India. 


In terms of interests, Beaujot and McQuillan note (pp. 81 and 91) that labour and nativist groups pushed for restrictions on immigration from southern and eastern Europe and from the Orient.  In French Canada there was opposition to immigration and in 1913 the Canadian Association for Public Health meeting in Regina noted that “immigration was a menace to public health due to the admission of sick persons, and more importantly of persons with mental deficiencies that are difficult to detect.”  (Quoted by Beaujot and McQuillan, p. 91).  It was the commitment of big business to an open-door immigration policy that was more influential though and the mining, lumber, railroad and manufacturing interests that needed cheap labour were able to be most influential on policy.


Isajiw notes that many immigrants continued to come from Britain, but by 1921, those of origins other than British and French made up 17 per cent of the population of Canada (p. 81).  This created a different set of ethnicities and social structures than had characterized Canada prior to 1900.  Issues of integration of immigrants became a primary focus of concern during this period and a source of tension.  As Isajiw notes, many viewed the new immigrants from Central and Eastern Europe as a threat to Canadian social structure.  In fact, these individuals and groups integrated into the Canadian social structure and formed the basis for the multiculturalism that emerged in the 1960s and 1970s.


6.  Between the wars, 1914 - 1945.   While 1913 was the year of greatest immigration in Canadian history, with the beginning of World War I, immigration ground to a halt for about five years – from 400,000 in 1913 to 34,000 in 1915.  Many expected that immigration would recover and the economy would continue to expand after 1915, in the same way as it had in the first few years of the century.  But concern about poor economic conditions and unemployment after the war meant limited immigration, and the figures on balances of immigration and emigration show that Canada did not gain much from net international migration in this period – opportunities in the United States were undoubtedly better.


In 1917, immigration policy became the responsibility of the Department of Immigration and Colonization.  Immigration began to pick up again with the economic expansion of the 1920s and there was assistance for British emigrants under the Empire Settlement Act of 1922.  Labour unrest and political radicalism dominated concerns about immigration during this period.  Much of this protest was centred in western Canada, especially in Winnipeg, where the General Strike of 1919 occurred.  Winnipeg was also the centre of Eastern European immigration, and many strikers were immigrants from these regions.  As Isajiw notes, there was also anti-German feeling during much of this period, and some groups such as Mennonites, Hutterites and Doukhobours were prohibited from entry in 1922.  In 1923, there were restrictive measures against Chinese immigration, meaning that immigration of Chinese was essentially stopped for close to forty years.


With the economic collapse of 1929 and high levels of unemployment that resulted for the next decade, immigration also collapsed and population movements across national borders was minimal.  There were a few British immigrants and some family reunification, but this did not amount to much.  Canada did not play a humanitarian role in accepting Jews and other victims of fascism in the 1930s, rather it deported a considerable number of members of the Communist Party and others who were accused of “public charges.”  (Beaujot and McQuillan, p. 91).  A sign of the low level of priority for immigration during this period is that the responsilibity for immigration at the federal level was moved to the Department of Mines and Resources from 1936 to 1950.  During the second world war began, immigration again was minimal or nonexistent.


Over this interlude period then, there was little immigration and the main patterns of settlement were established in the early part of the century.  As a result the ethnic patterns of settlement that resulted on the Prairies were a product of the period before 1930, with little change in these for a considerable period of time – at least little change from outside.  These ethnic communities had to establish themselves and find means of surviving and integrating into Canadian society.


7.  1945 to 1967.  This is the period from the end of the second world war until the 1967 revision of immigration policy.  At the end of the second world war immigration policy began in a considerable vacuum, since there had been little immigration for fifteen years.  There were various pressures on policy.  From the expansive side, there was certainly pressure for Canada to adopt a humanitarian stance and accept some of the 60 million displaced persons in Europe, and Canada did take about 120,000 refugees over the 1946-52 period.  As Isajiw notes though (p. 83), there was still preference for those of British origin, and little or no immigration of Asians or Jews.  


There were also some economic arguments for adopting more immigrants.  A University of Saskatchewan economist, Mabel Timlin, argued for an optimistic view of the possibilities of economic expansion and thought that Canada could take considerably more immigrants and that these immigrants could make a great contribution to economic growth.  On the other side were those who feared a return to depression, Canada had been restrictive for many years, and Quebec was not in favour of immigration. 


Liberal Prime Minister Mackenzie King attempted to balance these different interests and made the government position known in a statement to Parliament in May, 1947.  This statement set the tone for the early post-World War II period and may be considered to summarize much of the earlier policy approach and of federal policy in the 1950s.  In addition, while later changes in policy have become more non-discriminatory, King’s statement does typify a particular view of immigration that has not been uncommon, even in recent years.


The policy of the government is to foster the growth of the population of Canada by the encouragement of immigration.  The government will seek by legislation, regulation and vigorous administration, to ensure the careful selection and permanent settlement of such numbers of immigrants as can advantageously be absorbed in our national economy.  ...  With regard to the selection of immigrants, much has been said about discrimination.  I wish to make it quite clear that Canada is perfectly within her rights in selecting the persons whom we regard as desirable future citizens.  It is not a “fundamental human right” of any alien to enter Canada.  It is a privilege.  It is a matter of domestic policy. ...  There will, I am sure, be general agreement with the view that the people of Canada do not wish, as a result of mass immigration to make a fundamental alteration in the character of our population.  Large-scale immigration from the Orient would change the fundamental composition of the Canadian population.  Any considerable Oriental immigration would, moreover, be certain to give rise to social and economic problems of a character that might lead to serious difficulties in the field of international relations.  (Quoted in Green, 1976, p. 21).


Note here (1) the emphasis on the potential for growth, (2) the limited potential to absorb immigrants, and (3) the issue of discrimination.  With respect to absorption, it is not clear what this might mean – people can create their own economic opportunities and there may be no real meaning to absorption.  For example, during the early part of the twentieth century, very large numbers were accommodated in Canada and, compared with many other regions of the world, Canada was still relatively underpopulated.  The discriminatory attitude toward immigrants from the Orient was of long standing, and it has only been in the last few years that this has changed.


Signalling some change in immigration policy was the establishment of the federal Department of Citizenship and Immigration in 1950 and the Immigration Act of 1952.  Isajiw notes this indicated a renewed concern with ethnicity (p. 83).  The Chinese Immigration Act was repealed in 1947, but the 1953 Act still gave preference to immigrants of British, French or United States birth.  After this, preference went to other Europeans.  Others could generally enter only if sponsored by relatives and there was reference to restricting those with “peculiar customs, habits, modes of life or methods of holding property.”  (Beaujot, p. 109).   Hungarian refugee immigration of 38,000 after the 1956 Hungarian Revolution.


Concern about the discriminatory nature of immigration policy began to develop in the 1960s and the restrictions on immigration by national origin were lifted in 1962.  This was the period of the Progressive Conservative government of John Diefenbaker, with establishment of a bill of rights and a concern with how people could or should be treated more equally.  The Minister who took responsibility for the change was the first woman federal cabinet minister, Ellen Fairclough, who presided over these changes.  


In 1966, the federal government issued a White Paper on immigration arguing that immigration could generally help expand the economy.  The immigration part of Citizenship and Immigration was moved to the Department of Manpower and Immigration (after 1977, the Department of Employment and Immigration). This demonstrated how the government of that period viewed immigration as closely connected to the development of the labour force, an emphasis that has not changed since that time. 


8.  Since 1968.   In 1967 the system of selecting immigrants changed and a point system of judging suitability of applicants for immigration became established.  Potential immigrants were divided into sponsored and nominated immigrants (family reunification), refugees (humanitarian) and independent immigrants (judged by points).  Those in the latter category were awarded points for education and training, occupational demand and skill, age, knowledge of an official language, having employment arranged and destination.  These points were constructed to judge the prospective immigrant on the basis of how they would fit into the labour market. 


While this policy was generally nondiscriminatory and potentially more expansive, there were only limited attempts to expand the number of immigration offices in Asia, Africa or Latin America, and there was no large immediate change in the source countries of immigrants.  Further, in 1974 the federal government issued the Green Paper, a policy statement which tended to take a less positive view of immigration.  Following the release of the Green Paper, there were cross-Canada hearings concerning immigration and many immigrant and progressive groups expressed considerable criticism of the restrictive perspective of the Green Paper.


One of the major arguments presented in the Green Paper was that immigration policy is the one direct population policy that the government has; with this policy the government can directly influence the size, structure and location of population.  At the same time, immigration was discussed within the context of limited opportunities for economic growth and problems of urban concentration of immigrants.  The Green Paper emphasized the view that the economic advantages of population growth are uncertain.  It raised issues such as the “novel and distinctive features” of immigrants and raised concern about the new racial mixture that would result from expanded numbers of immigrants.  While the Paper did raise some legitimate concerns and policy options, the main intent and result was to slow immigration.


Immigration policy changed again with the Immigration Act of 1976 with one of the main changes being that the Minister has to announce a target level of immigration for each year in the annual report to Parliament.  This level occurs after consultation with the provinces concerning regional demographic needs and labour market considerations.  The stated policy objectives are family reunification, non-discrimination, concern for refugees, and the promotion of Canada’s demographic, economic, and cultural goals.  (Beaujot, p. 109).  Isajiw states that there was a more explicit attempt by the government to “link immigration flows to economic conditions and to demographic needs” (p. 87).


In terms of numbers, immigration was cut somewhat during the 1980s, with 1984 and 1985 being the low point, with only 84,000 immigrants.  Since then immigration targets have been raised and immigration levels have generally expanded, declines in some years.  After a large increase in immigration in the early 1990s, levels were cut in the mid to late 1990s and since then have increased again. 


In terms of administrative changes, federal immigration policy became the responsibility of the Department of Citizenship and Immigration in 1994.  Previously immigration was the responsibility of the Department of Employment and Immigration.  While the employment aspect of immigration was still a major feature of federal immigration policy, this reorganization of federal departments and responsibilities indicated a shift to the emphasis on citizenship as a key feature of connecting individuals to Canada.


In the later 1990s, there was another review of immigration policy, with the publication of Not Just Numbers, a report that presented a generally negative view of some parts of immigration.  Following this, there were hearings across the country and the government prepared new legislation governing immigration.  The new Immigration and Refugee Protection Act became law in 2002, replacing the Immigration Act of 1976.  The new legislation did not dramatically change immigration policies or procedures, but made them more systematic   There have been a number of complaints concerning how the government manages refugees, but there appear to be no major changes in the general thrust of earlier immigration policy. 



Beaujot, Roderic.  1991.  Population Change in Canada: The Challenges of Policy Adaptation, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart.

Beaujot, Roderic and Kevin McQuillan.  1982.  Growth and Dualism: The Demographic Development of Canadian Society, Toronto, Gage, 1982.

Green, Alan G. 1976.  Immigration and the Postwar Canadian Economy, Toronto, Macmillan.



Last edited October 20, 2004